In the 17th and 18th centuries, West Limburg was ruled from Liège and East Limburg was politically divided, controlled by various foreign powers. The Republic of the United Provinces governed part of East Limburg and its influence was gradually increasing in Limburg. However, due to the subjugation of East Limburg and by virtue of their Catholic faith, East Limburgers did not enjoy full citizenship within the Dutch State. The ruling elite within the Republic regarded Limburg as a subjected region and used the term ‘occupation’ in referring to the status of the region. In subsequent decades and centuries, the Republic used these territories as leverage in international negotiations. In the 18th century, the area was still viewed as a military outpost by the Republic.
Many inhabitants of these Limburg regions that had been annexed to the Republic as Ginneraoliteitslen (‘Generality Lands’) viewed the government in The Hague as a foreign power. The administrators appointed by the Dutch were very unpopular. The majority of the inhabitants in these Limburgish areas clung to their Catholicism, unwilling to convert to the Protestantism of the Dutch conquerors. Resistance was advanced against conversion, even though becoming Protestant would have yielded significant material benefits, such as the possibility of an appointment as a civil servant or to a political position. The Dutch were principally viewed as foreigners and occupiers. Although Limburg was under Dutch rule at the time, the Limburgish attitude was both very un-Dutch and anti-Dutch.

However, aside from a few minor exceptions, no calls were heard from within Limburg to change the status quo during these centuries. Nor were there many reasons to make such calls. Whoever controlled a Limburgish city or area, tended to accept the established rights, ensuring a relative degree of self-governance. In the 17th century, the Dutch Republic was the first ruling power that tried to introduce some changes to this situation. The Germans and Austrians also began to interfere with these rights in the second half of the 18th century. The initial attempts at reform were tentative, but eventually the Austrian Emperor Joseph II stepped up the pace, leading to resistance in the Limburgish territories under his control.

Notwithstanding Limburg's political division, a semblance of unity could still be noticed in the region at the end of the ancien régime. The connection provided by religion, although not peculiar to Limburg alone, proved to be of great importance, particularly in light of fragmentation in other areas. Moreover, having a separate language and culture, as well as strong cultural influences from adjacent areas, notably from the southern Low Countries and the Rhine region, clarified the unity of these Limburgish territories.

From 1789 onwards, thousands of French refugees poured into the Limburgish Meuse region. A large number of people also passed through the area in 1792, followed by French troops. Initially, Limburg was occupied, with the exception of Maastricht, but the French revolutionaries were forced to withdraw in the spring of 1792. In 1794, parts of Limburg were occupied once again and Maastricht was surrounded. The city capitulated on November 4th of that year, after which the French continued to annex other Limburgish areas. Under French control, the rather substantial local autonomy that had been enjoyed for several centuries had come to an end. After having enjoyed self-government for approximately five centuries, Maastricht – along with the rest of Limburg – now had to follow the orders issued by a central authority.
From the French perspective, the conquest of Limburg in 1794 was merely a réunie à la patrie, as demonstrated by the fact that Limburgers were made ordinary French citizens with representatives in the French parliament. Several East Limburgish areas had never enjoyed comparable rights in the parliament of the Dutch Republic in The Hague during the Dutch occupation.

The constitution of the Département de la Meuse inférieure or the Department of the Lower Meuse, which was the administrative predecessor of present day Limburg, was signed on October 1, 1795. The Department consisted of West and East Limburg below Venlo, with the exclusion of Sittard. In legal terms, the Department of the Lower Meuse was focused on Liège, but its central administration was based in Brussels. In relation to church matters, the Department came under the direction of the Diocese of Liège. The Department of the Roer was also established, which included the former Upper Quarter of Guelders and all areas that had formerly been part of Gulik, such as Sittard and Horn, with Aachen as its capital.

Initially, local civil servants were appointed within the new administrative system. However, due to their inadequacy, from 1796 onwards these were gradually replaced by French civil servants. In addition, local civil servants often resigned under pressure from the local population. In 1800, Limburgish civil servants returned to the French administrative system, but this time those with experience, who had also served during the ancien régime, were employed. Nevertheless, the Limburgish administrators in the Lower Meuse Region did not always willingly execute French orders.

The French occupation faced significant resistance, although the majority of the population remained rather passive. Such resistance predominantly took the form of a lack of cooperation with the French, as well as occasional acts of sabotage and public resistance. French rule was resented for numerous reasons: the rampages of the revolutionary army, the unfavourable economic situation, compulsory enlistment in the French army, and in particular the restrictions placed on churches and religious activities. The inhabitants of Roermond demonstrated while chanting ‘Eweg mèt de Rippubliek!’’ (‘Down with the Republic!’) and ‘Leve de Keizer!’ (‘Long live the Emperor!’).

As a result of such discontent, a peasant revolt broke out in the Department of the Lower Meuse; this was the only active revolt that took place in the Limburgish region during that time. The peasant revolt began in the adjacent Departments and spread to the Lower Meuse region. Although initiated later than in the other Departments, the war lasted longer in the Department of the Lower Meuse than elsewhere, mobilized through the use of guerrilla tactics.
The initiative had come from the Brabantians, who caused an uproar in Weert, St. Truiden, Herk-de-Stad and Hasselt. The French administration in Maastricht responded with severe measures. Nevertheless, Diest was briefly occupied by the revolting peasants. After being chased out of town, the members of the resistance dispersed around Maaseik, Roermond and Weert. On December 4, 1798, the rebels seized Hasselt from the French. The city’s inhabitants had some reservations, but enthusiasm and the hope of being liberated soon prevailed within the Department. During the course of December 1789, the resistance was crushed by the French, who established a rule of terror within the Department. Although all active resistance ceased by the end of the summer of 1799, tough underground resistance continued for a significant time, with the Department of Lower Meuse the most resilient of all departments. Although fewer people than in other departments were involved in active resistance against the French occupiers, passive resistance was virtually the norm. By contrast, the eastern part of the Lower Meuse region showed less appetite for a revolt.

Although the Limburgish population felt quite reserved and negative about the French at the beginning of the revolutionary regime, attitudes slowly changed under the influence of Napoleon and the fact that the French army seemed invincible. Over time, French efforts to support the economic interests of Limburg also led to a less negative attitude amongst the Limburgish population. From 1800 onwards, peace returned in Limburg and Napoleon was even accorded a warm welcome when he visited the area.

The Dutch also tried to bring an end to French rule in Limburg. A representative of the expelled Dutch stadtholder William V made enquires as to whether or not the Limburgish population wanted former Dutch rule to be restored. Like the French, the Dutch viewed Limburg as part of their motherland. However, the stadtholder’s representative was informed that the inhabitants of Limburg were not interested in restoring the old regime, in keeping with their bad memories of those days and, in particular, with regard to the suppression of their Catholic faith.

In January 1814, control of the Department of the Lower Meuse passed from the French to the Russian army led by General Von Wintzingerode, who acted as a representative of the United Powers, although some cities, such as Maastricht and Venlo, remained under French administration. Headquarters were established in Tongeren.
Shortly after the Russian takeover, the Prince of Orange claimed ownership of the former Generality Lands. General Von Wintzingerode agreed to cooperate initially, but changed his mind. However, the Dutch had already begun to re-occupy some of the territories of the former Generality Lands.
Whether the Dutch were entitled to re-annex the areas remains unclear, since these had been signed over to France under the Treaty of The Hague on May 16, 1795. As a result the Dutch encountered several difficulties with the Allied Powers, who were in overall control of the whole Department of the Lower Meuse. The Allied Powers did not unequivocally recognize the Prince of Orange’s claim to the Department of the Lower Meuse, and on occasion the Prince was forced to withdraw some of his troops from annexed areas.

On May 5, 1814, Dutch troops entered Maastricht, and took control of Venlo three days later. The Dutch were forced to rule Maastricht with the representatives of the Allied Powers, because of prior rights of the Prince-Bishop of Liège. The Dutch proclaimed that these cities would now be reunited with het moederland – the motherland – once again.
Not many cries of joy were heard amongst the local population when the allied forces entered Limburg and the call to arms by the Dutch Prince largely fell on deaf ears. The departure of the French was mainly a matter of regret for the upper classes of Limburgish society. The large landowners and industrialists of the upper classes had enjoyed many of the benefits that came with French rule. But even though the majority of the Limburgish population was relieved to see the French go, the return of the Dutch was not seen as a happy occasion. Administrative reports by Dutch civil servants from that time make it seem as if the Dutch troops received a warm welcome, but this was merely wishful thinking. The national sentiment that the Dutch hoped for was lacking in Limburg. The local population felt more connected to their native soil and local customs, and intended to live their own lives and be left in peace. Moreover, with – predominantly religious – oppression still a fresh memory, the Limburgers were also afraid that the structure of the ancien régime would return.
Some of the administrators, who had also served during the pre-French era, had a certain amount of sympathy for the Dutch, although the extent of this remains unknown. In this context, it should be recalled that most administrators are likely to have been Protestants; otherwise they would not have been appointed to office during the Dutch occupation. Since only few Limburgers had converted to Protestantism under the ancien régime, the majority of administrators were probably Dutch people or of a Dutch background. Thus their sympathetic attitude towards the Dutch Prince is not surprising.

At the Congress of Vienna in 1814-1815, the southern Low Countries, including Limburg, were placed under Dutch control. As a result, Limburg became one of the southern provinces of the new United Kingdom.
A meeting of notables was called by the Dutch King in each southern province, in order to hold a vote with regard to joining the northern Low Countries, as well as establishing a new constitution. The invited notables were selected and appointed by King William I, in all likelihood on the basis of their pro-Dutch support. This interference by the Dutch King, regarding which representatives from Limburg would be sent to The Hague, would last throughout the whole of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries. The Hague would exert its influence in every election held in Limburg..
Although more than 60 per cent of all notables from the southern Low Countries voted against the new constitution, William I still managed to gain a majority support for the constitution through the arithmétique hollandaise or ‘Dutch calculation method’. The notables who had been appointed in Limburg, Liège and Luxembourg, had voted for the constitution with a large majority, probably because of their ties with the other southern Low Countries within the Dutch political scene. Nevertheless, the general atmosphere in many parts of the southern Low Countries made clear that the new political union and new constitution were unlikely to receive much support.

The Dutch annexation of Limburg provided new economic stimulus for the province. Although they were now fully-fledged citizens of the nation in which they lived, the Limburgish population still suffered from social discrimination because of their Catholic faith. Discrimination was most evident in the area of education and appointment to public office.
As a result of intervention by the Dutch-appointed governor of Limburg, the Dutch government was assured that Limburgish representatives in the Dutch parliament were pro-Dutch. Consequently, Limburgers would most often be included in the Dutch nation only once they were prepared to set aside their Limburgish identity and demonstrate acceptable conduct in accordance with Dutch standards.

Limburg found it difficult to adjust to Dutch rule. Up until 1822, numerous turbulent events occurred, such as the departure of the Limburgish delegate E. L. Baron Surlet de Chokier from the Dutch Lower House (1818) and his failed attempts at being re-elected for the nest two years, as well as the matter of the Maastricht civic guard from 1818 to 1822. As in other southern provinces, discontent with the Dutch government resurfaced once again, culminating in the election of Charles de Brouckère Jr. in the Dutch Lower House in The Hague in 1826, and in the establishment of the outspoken opposition paper, l’Éclaireur, in 1827. Indeed, general discontent could be felt throughout the whole province. The July 1828 elections for the Limburgish parliament (Provincial States) took place against the backdrop of what is known as a monsterverbond, a ‘monstrous’ alliance between Catholics and liberals against Dutch rule. From that time until 1830, the centralism and autocracy of King William I, which stood for loss of autonomy for Limburg, faced major opposition.

When the Belgians separated from the Dutch Kingdom in 1830, a large part of the Limburgish population joined the Belgians or continued to oppose the Dutch government in other ways. In the absence of any resistance, Belgian troops occupied the Limburgish Meuse region, predominantly the cities of Venlo, Roermond and Sittard. The city of Venlo also opened its gates following the proclamation of the Belgian General Daine – who had already been allowed to enter Hasselt, Maaseik and Roermond – that he had come to liberate the city from Dutch arrogance, suppression and colonial exploitation. In 1830, the Belgian flag could be seen across Sittard as well. Indeed, the whole of Limburg quickly came under Belgian control, with the exception of Maastricht, which was occupied by Dutch troops. Even so, the general mood in Maastricht was principally in favour of annexation by Belgium. The whole province, including eastern Limburg, wanted to rid itself of Dutch rule. Since Maastricht was still in Dutch hands, the Belgians established Limburg’s administrative centre in Hasselt.
The anti-Dutch attitude was a result of the religious, educational and linguistic policies implemented by the Dutch, as well as the autocratic rule of the Dutch King. The Limburgish population felt culturally much closer to the Belgians, and also welcomed the greater political freedom offered by the Belgians, coupled with lower taxes and the absence of religious disputes.

However, Limburgers would not be allowed to determine their own fate. Together with several European powers, the Dutch and Belgians entered into negotiations in London. The European powers ultimately decided that East Limburg should return to Dutch sovereignty.
The Limburgers protested fiercely against being subjected to Dutch rule once again. The citizens of Sittard wrote a petition to the Dutch king, vehemently protesting against a new Dutch dominion. The Governor and the Provincial parliament of Limburg went to Brussels to express their loyalty to the Belgian king and offer him a petition. The Limburgish representatives in the revolutionary Belgian parliament protested emphatically against the Dutch re-annexation of East Limburg. However, all of these protests came to naught. Since no Limburgish representatives were present in the Dutch parliament from 1831 to 1840, Limburg’s political voice remained unheard in The Hague.
Almost without exception, Limburgish municipalities signed a letter of protest against the forced allocation of East Limburg to Holland; these are known jointly as the Prottestaties vaan Limbörg (‘les Protestations du Limbourg’). The following Limburgish municipalities sent a written protest to the Belgian House of Representatives: Meerssen, Melick-Herkenbosch, Swalmen, Berg, Hunsel, Heerlen, Locht, Gulpen, Baexem, Belfeld, Haelen, Heel and Panheel, Beegden, Valkenburg, Beesel, Sittard, Horn, Schaesberg, Stramproy, Neeritter, Linne, Ohé and Laak, Horst, Ittervoort, Wessem, Weert, Vaals, Thorn, Stevensweert, Meijel, Arcen and Velden, Posterholt, Montfort, Grathem, Bree, Neer, Susteren, Nederweert, Roosteren, Bocholtz, Broeksittard, Munstergeleen, Kerkrade, Meerlo, Mook, Sevenum, Ottersum, Wanssum, Venray, Broekhuizen, Grubbenvorst, Bergen and Tegelen. The Belgian king also received petitions from Eijsden, Mheer, Lottum, Noorbeek, Broekhuizen and Kessel. Several inhabitants of these municipalities sent signed petitions on their own initiative as well, including the officers of the civic guard of the canton of Roermond.

In the end, due to the increased international pressure orchestrated by the William I, East Limburg was joined with Holland, against the will of the Limburgish population. As a sign of protest, various places in East Limburg flew Belgian flags. When the representative of the Dutch King read out the proclamation of annexation in Sittard in 1839, he was met with a wall of silence. Many notables in Maastricht, Venlo and Roermond expressed their strong disapproval of Dutch oppression and their intent to join Belgium instead. Around 10,000 East Limburgers crossed over to the western shores of the Meuse, which was under Belgian control, when it became clear that East Limburg was to be part of Holland once again. Between 1830 and 1845, almost 20 per cent of the Maastricht elite left the Limburgish capital for the new Belgian State.

The European powers decided that, in addition to coming under Dutch control, East Limburg, with the exception of Maastricht and Venlo, should also become part of the German confederation. In terms of religious government, the region was separated from Liège and became a separate diocese. This meant that East Limburg was severed from its economic hinterland, of which it had been a part for many centuries. East Limburg was separated from West Limburg and the rest of Belgium and Germany by high toll walls, but also from the rest of a remote Holland due to poor infrastructure.
West Limburg was also in a rather peripheral position within the Belgian State. The area’s century-old and predominantly economic ties with East Limburg and the Rhine region were severed as a result of the Dutch toll wall around East Limburg.

Although East Limburg had already been under Dutch rule since 1839, the last East Limburgish representative did not vacate his seat in the Belgian parliament until 1843, and the first East Limburgish representatives were not allowed to take their seats in the Dutch Parliament until October 1840. Several Dutch members of Parliament had reservations about allowing East Limburgish representatives into their midst. Some saw the Limburgers as traitors, whereas others defended them. As a result of their delayed representation, the Limburgish delegates were unable to have a say in the revision of the Dutch constitution, which was implemented in East Limburg on September 24, 1840 – notwithstanding the lack of Limburgish participation and agreement.

For the East Limburgish population, the 19th century would be characterised by the Catholic emancipation within the Dutch Protestant state. As Dutch citizens, the Limburgers had the same rights as other Dutch citizens, but they were often excluded from holding senior positions in public office and corporate life as a result of their Catholic faith. The emancipation of Catholicism was seen to have reached its peak when the Catholic Limburger Ruys de Beerenbrouck became Prime Minister of the Netherlands in 1918. However, Limburgish culture and identity was still suppressed. Official use of Limburgish was not allowed and participation in the local Limburgish culture was used as a reason to be rejected for specific offices.

Almost without exception, East Limburg sent only native sons to the Dutch parliament in The Hague from the time of the Dutch annexation until 1919. Just a few East Limburgish delegates with separatist sentiments were able to take parliamentary seats. The Dutch administrative capital actively meddled in East Limburgish elections, to ensure that no one with separatist or anti-Dutch sympathies in this region was elected to parliamentary office. In addition, the way in which the election system was established worked to the advantage of Dutch interests in East Limburg. As a result, elections in East Limburg in the 19th century were not free or fair.
Although East Limburgers were expected to represent the interests of the whole country in accordance with the Dutch constitution, local voters often demanded that their elected representatives act in accordance with what was best for Limburg. Limburgish delegates would frequently give priority to Limburgish interests. During the elections of 1864, a provincial movement emerged, known as the Limburgish opposition, which declared itself to be against the ties that East Limburgish representatives were trying to establish with Dutch political groups. This approach was seen as contrary to East Limburg’s interests. Such political ties, mainly with liberals, were severed in the following years.
East Limburgish members of Parliament were known to be either absent or extremely passive during parliamentary debates. They kept to themselves, complained a lot, did not participate in debate and either abstained from voting or voted against proposals. However, when the political and constitutional position of East Limburg was discussed in the Dutch Parliament, East Limburgish delegates clearly presented themselves as East Limburgish representatives, and not as representatives for the Dutch nation as a whole, contrary to what was prescribed in the country’s constitution.

The aversion to Dutch rule in the 19th century meant that East Limburgers were always searching for ways to rid themselves of Dutch dominion. When the first annexation with Belgium failed between 1830 and 1839, the potential for a Luxembourgish solution for Limburg emerged. To this end, the separatists tried to send a petition to The Hague through the Limburgish parliament (the Provincial States), but this was blocked by the Dutch-appointed governor. Nevertheless, the Limburgish dream for independence following Luxembourg’s example was not easily forgotten.
When an independent Limburg seemed impossible, the province tried to join a uniting Germany in 1848. In the first decades after 1839, frequent calls could be heard within East Limburg to become part of Germany. In 1848, the whole of Sittard displayed the German liberal flag, as did Heerlen. Several East Limburgish local councils sent a request to the German parliament in Frankfurt, which encouraged such German unification, to ask whether the parliament would speak out in favour of East Limburg’s separation from Holland and inclusion in the German Confederation. In 1848, Limburg sent several representatives to the liberal parliament in Frankfurt. Throughout Limburg, but with the exception of Maastricht and Venlo, elections were held, in order to send representatives to the first national parliament in Germany. Along with another supporter for annexation by Germany, Baron Van Scherpenzeel-Heusch, who led the call in East Limburg to join Germany, was elected as East Limburg’s representative for the parliament in Frankfurt. The Baron achieved a large majority of votes in the northern part of East Limburg, such as in Roermond. However, the unification of Germany in Frankfurt failed and East Limburg was released from the German Confederation by the ruling European powers at the time and subsequently placed solely under Dutch control in 1867.

In the 1880s, a battle of flags occurred between East Limburg and the Dutch government. Limburg wanted to display its own flag, which none of the other provinces within the Kingdom of the Netherlands did and which had specifically been prohibited by the Dutch government. The flag was the same as the one displayed in West Limburg in Belgium, consisting of two horizontal stripes, one red and one white. East Limburg wanted to display this flag, but with colours in reverse, i.e. white on top and red underneath. East Limburg was informed that it was not an independent state and was therefore prohibited from flying its own flag. However, when East Limburg persisted, the Dutch government changed its policy in this regard. The prohibition was abandoned and each province was given the option of flying its own flag.

The last decades of the 19th century saw the beginning of modern developments in East Limburg. Nevertheless, certain aspects of earlier historical developments continued to remain influential, in particular the cultural affinity with the southern Low Countries and with West Limburg. As time passed, however, East Limburgers tried to come to terms with a political situation that was unlikely to change quickly.

In the meantime, West Limburgers had joined Belgium, the country which was overall preferred by the Limburgish population. Many Limburgers held senior positions in the Belgian State, particularly at the national level. In the 19th century West Limburg was increasingly dragged into the Vlaamse Beweging (‘Flemish Movement’), whose aim was the emancipation of the Flemish from French-speaking Belgians. The aim of the Vlaamse Beweging required trans-regional collaboration. Even though West Limburgers kept a low profile within this movement, much to the suspicion of the Flemish, the movement still hindered the development of a separate West Limburgish identity and an awareness thereof. The Flemish failed to comprehend the Limburgish perspective and felt as if a Chinese wall existed between themselves and West Limburg. On their part, the Dutch showed great interest in the Vlaamse Beweging, but East Limburgers showed no interest at all.

Disaffection with the Dutch government continued amongst part of the East Limburgish population. The discontent was also related to the eligibility of East Limburgers for positions within the Dutch State. Until 1918, being Limburgish certainly remained an obstacle with regard to appointments to senior political positions, with the exception of Member of Parliament. Being Limburgish was also a reason to be rejected for promotions. At the end of 1920, the majority of senior positions in East Limburg were still held by the Dutch and not by Limburgers. This was the case for the economically very important state mines, as well as for many other companies and government services. Whereas the Dutch were in charge of the state mines in East Limburg, the Walloons occupied such positions in West Limburg.
The East Limburgish disaffection was clearly evident in the aftermath of World War I. In 1918, the Dutch government allowed German troops, who had waged battle in Belgium, to retreat to Germany through East Limburg. As war reparations, the Belgian State demanded sovereignty over at least a part of East Limburg during the peace negotiations in Versailles on February 11, 1919.
Ferdinand Hustinx, who supported the annexation of East Limburg to Belgium, thought that, if residents of East Limburg were given a free choice, they would opt to become part of Belgium. Hustinx believed that the Limburgish clergy found solace in thoughts of annexation, even though the Diocese of Roermond had been against separation from the Dutch State since the time of its foundation in 1839, believing the Catholic faith to be well-protected under Dutch rule.
Dutch civil servants were ordered to carry out actions in Limburg to counter such sentiments of annexation with Belgium. They estimated that the movement in favour of annexation was limited to a small circle of people. The Limburgish elite, predominantly the political elite who had been against separation as a result of nearly a century of Dutch interference in local elections, was so pro-Dutch in 1919 that it already acted in a self-regulating manner with regard to any separatists. In contrast to earlier times, the leading East Limburgish elite had increasingly been educated at Dutch universities; this explains in large part their preference for East Limburg remaining part of the Dutch State. This had already led to a high level of caricaturisation of the Limburgish elite by the end of the 19th century. The following message can be read in a carnival publication: Wis geer dat eus Limburgse kamerlede op d’n doer hun Limburgse stumme kwietrake vaan ’t hoeghollands spreke wat zie doen? (‘Did you know that our Limburgish delegates will eventually lose their voices/votes given all the Dutch talking they do?’) Although not many separatist supporters were elected as Limburgish representatives to Parliament in The Hague, one or two Limburgish delegates still expressed separatist sympathies.
The East Limburgers also felt that the Dutch were not adequately taking their interests into account during the negotiations in Versailles. As a result, the Council of Maastricht almost sent its own representative to Versailles.

A civil servant of the British Foreign Office, which closely monitored the situation in Limburg for a considerable period of time, described the mood of East Limburgers during this period of annexation troubles as follows: ‘The population of Dutch Limburg has always been independent and inclined to resent Dutch interference, but they resent the idea of Belgian rule still more.’
Nevertheless, there was a movement within East Limburg, which desired unification with West Limburg within the Kingdom of Belgium until the end of World War II. Even as late as 1927, Belgian airplanes continued to distribute propaganda in favour of Limburg’s separation from the Dutch State, apparently under the impression that enough support was still available. A few years prior, Jules Schaepkens–van Riemst, Chairman of the Limburgs Geschiedkundig en Oudheidkundig Genootschap (‘Limburgish Historical and Archaeological Society’), along with Dominique Sassen and Mathias Kemp, established the Limburgse Liga (‘Limburgish Alliance’) in East Limburg on March 12, 1925. To use the language of that time, the Alliance aimed at ‘t behaajd vaan al ’t goje, wat Limbörg had en es diffendering vaan de nuien touwkoms vaan de kinder vaan eige land (‘the preservation of all that was good in Limburg and to safeguard the new future of Limburg’s children). Already in 1922, a journal entitled De Nedermaas (‘The Lower Meuse’) was established by the Alliance. Not much else was heard from the Alliance from 1928 onwards, and it gradually lost momentum. The Catholic Church was opposed to the Alliance, leading to a loss of members; further losses result came as a result of the allegation that the Alliance supported the annexation with Belgium.

Following failed attempts to join Belgium or Germany, the failure to create a separate state after Luxembourg’s example, and finally to become part of Belgium after World War I, East Limburgers focused their efforts on further integration within the Dutch State. Nevertheless, for both East Limburgers and the other Dutch citizens, the emphasis in the context of such integration was more often than not on their Limburgishness. Nevertheless, this identity frequently remained an obstacle in relation to appointments to senior political roles or government positions. Between 1849 and 1970, the Limburgish members of Parliament often pushed their Limburgish agenda through the Dutch Lower House under the guise of the political organisation of Catholicism.

References
Borromeus, Maastricht in de Tachtigjarige Oorlog, Vos Maastricht, 1948.
Bos, N. Migranten en optanten; De uittocht van de Maastrichtse bovenlaag na de Belgische Opstand nader beschouwd, in: Maaslandse Melange, opstellen over Limburgs verleden, LGOG 14, 1990, 226-244.
Geurts, A. J., Stemming en stemming maken; Noordoost Limburg in het voorjaar van 1848, in: Maaslandse Melange, opstellen over Limburgs verleden, LGOG 14, 1990, 262-274.
Israel, J. I., De Republiek 1477-1806, 5e druk, Van Wijnen Franeker, 2001.
Jappe Alberts, W., Oorsprong en geschiedenis van de Limburgers, Elsevier Amsterdam, 1981.
Knuvelder, G., Vanuit wingewesten; een sociografie van het zuiden, Brand’s Hilversum, 1930.
Lammers, C. J., Nederland als bezettende mogendheid 1648-2001, KNAW Amsterdam, 2003.
Lemmens, E., Aan vorst en vaderland gehecht, doch tevreden zijn zij niet; Limburgse politici in Den Haag 1839-1918, Wereldbibliotheek Amsterdam, 2004.
Manning, A. F., Reacties op de scheiding in Nederlands Limburg, in: Eenheid en Scheiding van de beide Limburgen; verslagbundel van het op 26 mei 1989 te Alden Biesen gehouden congres bij gelegenheid van de herdenking 150 jaar beide Limburgen, Eisma Leeuwarden/Maastricht 1989, 165-180.
Nissen, P. J. A., De ontplooiing van het regionaal zelfbewustzijn in de beide provincies Limburg na 1839, in: Eenheid en Scheiding van de beide Limburgen; verslagbundel van het op 26 mei 1989 te Alden Biesen gehouden congres bij gelegenheid van de herdenking 150 jaar beide Limburgen, Eisma Leeuwarden/Maastricht 1989, 181-212.
Nuyens, E. M. Th. W., De staatkundige geschiedenis der provincie Limburg vanaf haar ontstaan tot aan haar uiteenvallen in 1839, LGOG nr. 2 Maastricht, 1956.
Publications du Comité de Politique Nationale, La Protestation du Limbourg; quelques documents 1831-1839, Van Oest Bruxelles, 1919.
Ramakers, E., ’Een Schuldig pligt-verzuim?’; Petitiebewegingen in Limburg tot herstel van grieven 1828-1830, in: Maaslandse Melange, opstellen over Limburgs verleden, LGOG 14, 1990, 201-225.
Slofstra J. (ed.), Roman and Native in the Low Countries; Spheres of Interaction, BAR International Series 184, 1983, 105-128.
Thewissen, Ch., Het Hollands tijdperk te Maastricht (1632 – 1638), Voghelstruys-reeks nr. 2 Maastricht, 1959.
Ubachs, P. J. H., Handboek voor de geschiedenis van Limburg, Verloren Hilversum, 2000.
Ubachs, P. J. H., Evers, I. M. H., Ongewilde revolutie; het Limburgs Maasland onder Frankrijk 1794-1814, LGOG nr. 130 Mestreech, 1994.
VandeBeeck, Th., Grauwels, J., De Boerenkrijg in het Departement van de Nedermaas, LGOG nr. 3 Maastricht, 1961.
Veldeke, jubileumnummer uitgegeven bij gelegenheid van het 25-jarig bestaan in 1951.
Vlekke, B. H. M., Van ’t gruwelijck verraet in den jare 1638 op Maestricht gepractiseert; studies over de vestiging van het Staatsche gezag over Maastricht in de jaren 1632 tot 1639, Neerlandia Antwerpen, 1938.

http://www.jachthoornblazers.nl/content/Blazers/de_limburgse_vlag.htm (16-02-2007).